There’s no question that the situation in Mindanao, in the Philippines, is looking grave in the aftermath of typhoon Sendong. And with hundreds of casualties, and significant damage to property and infrastructure, it’s not surprising that local governments in the region are feeling overwhelmed.

But while NGOs, civil society groups, schools, universities and individual citizens are contributing to relief operations, it’s hard not to notice that compared with when the main island of Luzon, and the capital Manila, has been devastated by natural disasters, the media has been comparatively subdued.

When Luzon was hit by typhoons Ondoy and Milenyo, normal TV programming was changed to accommodate special reports and other coverage by the big media outfits based in Manila. Even print media joined in with the sensationalizing, underscoring the point that when disaster strikes Luzon, the whole country has to pay attention.

I should probably start with a little background. I lived in Thailand in 2008 when I was volunteering with an NGO, and I loved it there: the people, the culture, the food. I hope to go back one day.

Yet, although nowhere is perfect, I feel particularly wary about criticizing a certain aspect of this country, namely the monarchy.

Despite being a constitutional monarchy since 1932, the Thai Royal Family still holds a prominent place in the country’s political affairs. Of course most of the time, the monarchy is largely symbolic. But it has still often intervened during periods of political instability – such as the country’s myriad military coups – to provide a mediating voice aimed at helping the nation’s actors resolve their differences.

Read more...

A Burmese military offensive against ethnic Kachin rebels is hitting the headlines, and non-governmental organizations fear the conflict will lead to a humanitarian crisis after 30,000 to 40,000 people fled their homes for the safety of a makeshift jungle camp.

Refugees International has warned tensions between the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) and the Burmese military has reached boiling point after a 17-year cease fire agreement broke down in June in Kachin, Burma’s most northern sate. The camps remain inaccessible to aid organizations and the United Nations from within. Access routes exist from China, but Beijing is reluctant to host any refugees as it doesn't want to be seen as dabbling in a neighbor's internal affairs.

The fighting also comes amid a well-publicized charm offensive by the government, which has announced a series of reforms that prompted an historic visit by U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton and Burma’s pro-democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi to announce she would contest up-coming by-elections.

The Philippines is often recognized by global institutions for its strong commitment to human rights. Indeed, compared with other countries in the region, where government critics are given insanely long prison sentences and media reports are heavily censored by the authorities, the freedom loving Philippines may seem like a viable and vibrant democratic state to the casual international observer.

But the existence of Western-style democracy in the country doesn’t mean it’s fully compliant with international human rights norms. There’s a free press in the Philippines, but it’s also one of the most dangerous countries for journalists. Activists and political dissidents are free to organize rallies and assemblies even without securing police permits, but many of them have become victims of extrajudicial killings and enforced disappearances over the past decade.

Indeed, human rights violations became so intense during the incumbency of Gloria Arroyo that a U.N. Special Rapporteur on extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary executions visited the Philippines in 2007 to investigate the rise in political killings, torture, and kidnapping in the country. Arroyo’s atrocious human rights record was also one of the major issues in last year’s presidential elections, which saw a landslide victory for the opposition.

Read more...

China’s use of hard and soft power has been of increasing interest in recent years, not least to the countries of Southeast Asia.

China’s rapidly growing military arsenal undoubtedly gives it an enormous advantage over many of its Southeast Asian neighbors. Beijing has rapidly acquired and produced naval warships, has expanded development of its intelligence gathering, and has held joint military exercises with fellow nuclear power Pakistan. It is also trying to project a more robust military presence in the South China Sea – the site of numerous ongoing territorial disputes – aimed at enabling its navy to conduct better surveillance, enforce strategic blockades, and control the high level of sea traffic which passes through the area, according to a U.S. Defense Department report produced earlier this year.

Despite these concerns, I would still say that China has shown considerable restraint in its disputes. In July, China and Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) member states began plans to implement the Declaration on the Conduct of Parties in the South China Sea, an agreement signed by the members back in 2002, but lacking any real bite. Article Five of the declaration suggests several ways “in the spirit of cooperation and understanding, to build trust and confidence between and among” the parties.

Read more...