An international study has confirmed fears that fake anti-malarial drugs have put at risk global efforts to counter the scourge, with weaker and unchecked medicines potentially fanning the disease by allowing it to build immunity to medical treatment.

Southeast Asia figured prominently in the study, which should come as no surprise, given most governments in the region have paid only lip service to warnings that the lax enforcement of laws had allowed the market for cheap homemade drugs to thrive, not unlike copies of DVDs, brand name handbags or other drugs like Viagra.

According to the study, published in the Lancet Infectious Diseases Journal, a third of all anti-malarial drugs sold in Southeast Asia were fakes. This followed surveys in seven countries and an analysis of 1,437 malaria drug samples that found a third had failed tests, half were incorrectly packaged and a third were simply not genuine.

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The issue of corruption in the Philippines has once again hit international newspapers with reports that the chief justice of the Supreme Court, Renato Corona (currently undergoing an impeachment trial before the Philippine Senate), had dozens of dollar accounts with millions of dollars flowing through them. Of course, reports on corruption are continually in the Philippine media.

As I have quoted the Political & Economic Risk Consultancy (PERC) before, “the media, even more than the courts, is the forum in which all sides try to wage their battles of defamation.” I’ve repeatedly written about corruption, and The Asia Foundation has supported efforts to bring more clarity to the discussion – to go beyond politicized battles – most thoroughly represented in the book by Michael Johnston.

A year ago there was another impeachment case against the former ombudsman (anti-graft prosecutor) that led The Economist to ask cynically, “Progress or Payback?” Now, one year on, we are faced with the same conundrum: Is the trial of the chief justice part of a political vendetta (since he was perceived to be protecting former President Arroyo), or just the next logical step in removing blockages to President Aquino’s successful 2010 campaign slogan, “If there’s no corruption there’s no poverty?” The plain fact of the matter is that for those outside a small circle of decision-makers it’s impossible to tell. An optimistic read could point to broader bureaucratic reforms (to which I’ve pointed in analyzing presidential power) while pessimists might cite PNoy’s alleged favoritism to classmates, friends, and shooting buddies.

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On Thursday, U.S. President Barack Obama nominated Derek Mitchell to be the first U.S. ambassador to Burma in 22 years.

Mitchell’s nomination is the latest in a series of steps the Obama administration has taken to support Burmese President Thein Sein’s nascent political and economic reforms. Previous steps have included the easing of sanctions and Hillary Clinton’s trip to Burma in late 2011, the first time a U.S. secretary of state had visited Burma in more than half a century. Alongside Mitchell’s appointment, the administration announced that the U.S. is suspending, though not removing, all economic and financial sanctions on Burma. U.S. arms embargoes will remain in place, however, and the State Department later said it will seek to “target what we call the spoilers, the bad actors within the system” through other economic instruments.

“As an iron fist has unclenched in Burma, we have extended our hand, and are entering a new phase in our engagement on behalf of a more democratic and prosperous future for the Burmese people,” Obama said on Thursday, echoing a line from his inauguration speech.

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French philosopher Voltaire once wrote a story about the mad behavior of men going to war over a “few lumps of earth.” In Southeast Asia, there are numerous small and midsize conflicts between countries over temples, borders, islets, reefs, shoals, and even puny rock formations that disappear during high tide.

For example, Thailand and Cambodia are feuding over the ownership of the historic Preah Vihear temple and the four square kilometers of territory around it. The conflict intensified in 2008, which led to some deadly exchanges of fires between border troops. It strained the relations of two erstwhile friendly neighbors and, more tragically, it reinforced ultra-nationalism and xenophobia in their countries. Last February, renewed clashes resulted in lives lost on both sides.

For several decades, Singapore and Malaysia contested the ownership of several islands, namely Pedra Branca, Middle Rocks and South Ledge, which are all strategically located at the eastern entrance of the Singapore Strait. Middle Rocks consists of two clusters of small rocks, while South Ledge is visible only at low tide. Fortunately, the International Court of Justice in 2008 recognized Singapore as the owner of Pedra Branca and gave Middle Rocks to Malaysia. 

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China has imposed its annual ban on commercial fishing in the South China Sea, but its efforts to preserve and replenish fish stocks have been met with skepticism. Hanoi is particularly irritated, while Manila is biting its tongue, believing the move is simply another form of Chinese bullying.

Vietnam says the ban, from May 16 to August 1, is “invalid”. The Philippines responded with its own ban, allowing a face saving reduction in tensions amid the month-long stand-off with China over Scarborough Shoal.

Neither believe China is genuinely acting in the best interests of food security, and they suspect its ulterior motive is simply to assert itself over the Spratly and Paracel islands, which has increasingly become a regional flashpoint.

Vietnamese and Philippine claims are on the basis of a U.N. Convention on the Law of the Sea and a rule that gives maritime nations the right to explore, exploit and develop areas within their 200-nautical mile Exclusive Economic Zones (EEZ).

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