StumbleUpon
Digg
Delicious
Reddit
Yahoo Buzz
Mixx
Google Buzz
PlurkIs a war crimes tribunal being used to settle political scores? If so, it may unleash social chaos reports Sebastian Strangio.
Bangladesh’s Liberation War Museum sits on a quiet street in central Dhaka, shaded by trees and fronted by an austere barbed wire fence. The small building commemorates the country’s 1971 liberation struggle, a fierce war of independence from Pakistan that cost an estimated 3 million lives. An eternal flame in the museum’s courtyard marks it out as a site of martyrdom—a reminder of the bloody star under which the country was born. Almost fittingly, dozens of small Bangladeshi flags are intertwined on the rusting barbs of the museum’s front fence.
Last week, Bangladesh’s government arrested two leading politicians from the country’s main Islamist party, Jamaat-e-Islami, on charges of committing mass murder during the liberation struggle. The arrests, which followed the detention of the party’s president, Motiur Rahman Nizami, and other top Jamaat officials in late June, mark the first stage of a tribunal established in March to address war crimes committed during the 1971 conflict.
But even though the tribunal has no scheduled start date, it has already whipped up controversy in Muslim-majority Bangladesh. The government of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, which was elected in a landslide in 2008 in part on promises of a trial, says it has evidence proving the involvement of senior Jamaat members in the 1971 atrocities. Critics, however, say the tribunal is being used to settle domestic political disputes and runs the risk of unleashing social chaos and compromising Dhaka’s relationship with Muslim allies in the Middle East.
The tribunal comes after nearly four decades of inaction in Bangladesh. The 1971 conflagration, which erupted when Pakistan attempted to prevent the secession of its eastern wing, included the systematic execution of leading Bengali intellectuals and the rape of by some estimates 200,000 women. Although the process of putting collaborators on trial began after the defeat of the Pakistani army on December 16, 1971, the tribunal process was derailed after the assassination of independence icon Sheik Mujibur Rahman in August 1975. Ahmed Ziauddin, an advisor to Bangladeshi rights group Odhikar, says that for the following three decades, a succession of military administrations has swept aside all attempts at justice, fearing it could implicate many within their own ranks.
‘The current process is, if you like, unfinished business that started in 1972,’ he says.
Mahbub Alam, general manager of the Liberation War Museum, says that even though 40 years have passed and many perpetrators are long dead, there’s a widespread desire to see responsible politicians brought to justice. ‘The people who did all these kinds of misdeeds are the beneficiaries of the creation of Bangladesh,’ says Alam, who lost his father in the Liberation War. ‘Why are war criminals in power? They are the beneficiaries of the country, of three million martyrs.’
Given the political difficulties involved in trying to extradite former military officers still living in Pakistan, the government is instead focusing on the razakars—internal collaborators who led, assisted and committed crimes in conjunction with the Pakistani administration then in control of the country. For the moment, the attention is falling squarely on Jamaat and its allies.
Photo Credit: Sebastian Strangio
Karim Ullah
The biggest problem in Bangladesh is that most people blame Sheikh Mujib or General Zia for all the problems. Most are blinded by these two leaders. Both of course did some great things however, both also did some terrible things as well.
Both party supporters can’t find any faults with their own party, and this is causing huge problems for the people of Bangladesh.
The best way to make Bangladesh prosperous, is to have a stable political climate. The population are quite capable of doing some excellent things however, they are prevented from doing so because of the law and order situation. This can only be fixed by a good government. Sadly, Bangladesh hasn’t had one since independence. Not Awami League, not BNP or even Jatiyo Party were doing their best for the country. Until these people who support the two leading parties start finding faults and asking for change, Bangladesh will never be a proper democracy. Worse still, it will be a failed state, and that would be its biggest tragedy.
Rislam
Sebastian Strangio in the above article has exaggerated the potential socio-political unrest as a result of Jamat leaders and the influence of the Middle East on Bangladesh. If it is violent and terrorist act he is referring to, then the whole world, not only Bangladesh,is facing that unrest from religious extremists. Awami League government is mandated to try and punish the 1971 war criminals and it is a national agenda, which is long overdue. Bangladesh as well as Jamat leaders/followers who did not commit war crimes in 1971 or born after i971 cannot have a dignified existence unless alleged criminals are identified. The trial is in the best interest of Jamat itself in the long run. Trials must be held. If there are issues of due process and procedures, they are independent of the obligation to try.
The comment 1 above on the virtues of Zia appears belated. It should have been presented in 2005 before the Supreme Court (Mrs Zia was the Prime Minister of BNP led government), which held the Zia regime illegal. Zia was a politicised and ambitious military dictator camouflaged himself in so-called democratic outfits, a kind of military oligarchy that pushed Pakistan to its present state. Inherited from Pakistan, Zia attempted in vain to establish a military oligarchy in Bangladesh. The international identity of Bangladesh and its people will remain, notwithstanding some people’s misguided anti-Indian hysteria and confused Bengali identity.
abuusa
Awami Mohajote Government is very hastily back-gearing the country to 1972 status
of “Shader Nao Banailee More Bangalee.” ‘Bangladeshi Identity’ was a definite development othe people of land which has been known as Bangladesh since 1971 December. And late president Zia’s visionary leadership has enabled us to reach to such respectful status of this long left out populace of this land. Contrarily Bangalee was never a complte respectful ID. That’s why Bengal’s literary lord or God Rabi Thakur has to remorse saying ” K BangJanani Dash Koti Adam Shantanere Rekhecha Bangalee Korey Manush Koronee.” So Bengali reflects a language, a culture and sometimes a curse and never had been a respectable national ID.
Late president Zia has relieved us from that malice and now Awami’s prime agenda is to change that. If it happens, there will be a new ID problem and perhaps, it will let us lose our international distinct ID and respect. Then people will start to think which Bangalee we are Indian Bangalee or Bangladeshi Bangalee. We thave to change passport of millions of people. We will lose our job market in the middle east and other parts of the world. And that may turn the country to fully-failed state and again go back to a country of “ola Beheen Jury/Bottomless Basket”
So the government should think once, twice and many times before taking a hasty decision of colossal mistake, unless they are the agents of our exotic enemies.